Khaleej Times 23 February Faryal Leghari The Gulf-Africa Strategy Forum will endeavour to strengthen economic relations between the GRC and the African States and also seek opportunities to forge political and security alliances between both the regional flanks.
This is a region of loosely controlled frontiers often populated by marginalized communities that straddle boundaries and become proxies in the politics between countries of the region. In some cases, the state does not have the capacity; in others, the state seems to willfully neglect.
Policies must address the inequalities that reserve the best resources and education for the wealthiest and leave other children with ill-equipped and poorly financed schools.
Since the current government came to power init has been the driving force behind the diplomatic efforts—exercised within the framework of the eight-country Intergovernmental Authority for Development IGAD —to maintain an open line among countries, whatever their differences, and prevent a breakdown of relations within the region.
Development advocates have criticized this policy of "tying aid" to purchasing goods and services from the donor country and accuse Beijing of supporting authoritarian regimes in Africa.
Ethiopia has frontiers with every member of IGAD with the exception of Uganda and is therefore magnetically drawn to a strategy that maintains the peace on its frontiers. Five wars have dominated this region in the last 40 years, and they have all sucked in other neighbors.
That would require a dramatic change in the mind-set of Arab royal families, which assume that their relationship with Africans is one of patron and client. Qatar deployed peacekeepers to the border between Eritrea and Djibouti for almost a decade, starting inbut Gulf states have shown the most consistent interest fighting extremism in Somalia.
The coalition obtained combat units from Sudan and Eritrea, and scrambled to secure the entire African shore of the Red Sea. First, the conflicts of the Middle East, spreading through North Africa, have provoked a wave of migration towards Europe; second, an expansion of terrorist operations in the belt from the Sahel to Somalia; and third, an intensified engagement of countries of the Gulf in the Horn of Africa.
Five wars have dominated this region in the last 40 years, and they have all sucked in other neighbors. Since the Tsunami disaster inthe Gulf States have diversified to include non Islamic states as the recipients of aid.
In practice, that has meant winning over less powerful countries along the African coast of the Red Sea — Sudan, Eritrea, Djibouti, and Somalia — a region that Ethiopia has sought to place within its sphere of influence.
Reverberations The earliest war was between Somalia and Ethiopia in the s.
Inter Press Service Africa: Bolstering Diplomatic Credentials GCC states have expanded their diplomatic ties with sub-Saharan African states to bolster their growing economic and security interests, while also advancing their ambitions to play a more prominent role in international foreign policy.
Three Challenges Three major challenges confront the region.
The second challenge concerns the task of regional integration. The increasingly violent methods used by these groups is believed to be part of a conscious "business model" adopted by them, in which violence and intimidation plays a major role.
The time has come for an honest and creative discussion amongst those concerned with economic growth and security of the wider Red Sea area-the Horn, the GCC countries, Egypt, the European Union, the United States, and China.
It is also the backyard of countries in the Muslim world. We have to review what we mean by democracy. The mining sector has seen mainly private investments, in the mining of gold, copper, iron and platinum.
The Horn of Africa is freighted with divisive historical baggage. The Horn is also a region that has been at an historical crossroads.
To overcome these challenges is not easy.
Empires have grown and subsided.Advancing Corporate Governance in the Middle East and North Africa: Stories and Solutions v INTRODuCTION The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is.
Piracy and Maritime Security in the Gulf of Guinea.
The resurgence of piracy in African waters is now a subject of serious concern to African states and indeed the international community. For the last decade, it was concentrated in three main regions: the East African Coast, Nigeria’s territorial waters, and the Mozambique Channel.
Nov 23, · Gulf states considered agricultural investments in Central Asia and Latin America but determined that Africa’s rich and underdeveloped agricultural lands held the greatest promise.8 Africa’s geographic proximity to the Gulf was an advantage; it contains 60 percent of the world’s total uncultivated arable lands; and its water shortages.
The International Organization for Migration’s (IOM) Regional Strategy for the Middle East and North Africa sets out key objectives to guide IOM’s operations, strategic positioning and policy and advocacy work for the period from to strategy, while the latter requires creativity and understanding the business and assessing the market opportunities and the firm’s strengths.
While strategy formulation is usually a function of top management, its implementation is the responsibility of middle and lower level managers. Nov 20, · This research is led by the International Security Program, the Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy, and the Zbigniew Brzezinski Chair in Global Security and Geostrategy and includes collaboration with the CSIS regional programs.
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